Federal Court tells Nebraska voters that they can't define marriage.Although there has been a great tumult about the risk of an incipient "theocracy", the risk to democracy comes from an entirely different direction.
Eugene Volokh critizes the legal analysis of the decision by a federal judge to strike down a Nebraska law limiting valid marriages to those between a man and a woman.
Not surprisingly, the decision relied on
Romer v. Evans, under which the Supreme Court struck down a Colorado law forbidding municipalities from extending equal rights protection to homosexuals. Volokh describes Romer as "wrong, badly reasoned, and vague in its implications." Romer is, however, the law and generally stands for the idea that the legislature can't single out a particular (lawful) group for stigmatization, which, if that is the real intent of the legislation, would bear no "rational basis" with any proper state interest. (This seems to be a fair insight; while controlling activity can be a legitimate interest; all other things being equal, simply calling people names for the sake of calling them names is not.)
Professsor Volokh thinks that the Nebraska law will pass judicial scrutiny under
Romer:
The test that Romer set forth was that the law must have a rational relationship to legitimate state interests, not the very demanding "strict scrutiny" test (which requires narrow tailoring to compelling state interests). This "rational basis" test is traditionally pretty deferential to the government; and while in Romer it wasn't applied with the normal deference, the Court's stress in Romer was simply that the law was so overinclusive relative to the interest in protecting associational freedom that it was irrationally broad. Here, the law is a much better fit with the government interest. And it seems to me (and, I'd wager, to the Supreme Court) that the government interest in promoting opposite-sex relationships as the best for society is indeed a legitimate interest, even if it's one that reasonable minds may differ about.
I think that Professor Volokh is right, but who knows. There are some who would argue that the state should have no interest in "promoting opposite-sex relationships as best for society" because that is a moral judgment and, pace
Lawrence, it is not clear that there is a state interest in promoting morality.
As for the more pragmatic issues involved in "opposite-sex relationships", in which a state might have some interest - i.e., cultivating future generations of tax payers - the argument might be that this is a mere technical detail. And since breeding will not be disrupted by same-sex marriages, there is no rational basis for a law limiting marriage to heterosexual couples.
The argument seems far-fetched today, but the bricks have been baked to build that conclusion.
Update: The
Jaded JD, who appears to favor filibusters, points out that the Nebraska decision may push some Nebraska senators into the "pro-nuclear" camp.
Although I don't think this is
Jaded's point, actually this aberrational decision, which is out of touch with mainstream values, is a text-book reason for the "nuclear option."
And while I'm on the "blawg" dance, here is
Huskerblawg - Nebraska law blog that identifies this decision as the "poisonous fruit" of Romer and hails Justice Scalia as being prophetic. For variety, here is
Angry Single Mom who hails the decision as a victory against the ignorant forces of hate, because, obviously, anything short of unconditional agreement with the absolute leading edge of social deformations must be motivated by "hate."
Angry Single Mom proves her commitment to Christian charity by offering a series of ad hominem claims and non sequiturs commments about "conservative hypocrites", "California carpetbaggers", Nazi concentration camp survivors and purported higher divorce rates of conservative states.
Update: David Morrison agrees with the decision and with the Washington Post's support of the decision on the grounds that the Nebraska statute swept up more than marital and "psuedo-marital" relationships. In other words, it would have barred business partnerships between homosexuals.
If that were true, then the statute ought to have been stricken down on Equal Protection grounds. Unfortunately, I don't think that any sober reader of the statute could have come to that conclusion. According
to the decision, "Section 29 of the Nebraska Constitution provides that “[o]nly marriage between a man and a woman shall be valid or recognized in Nebraska. The uniting of two persons of the same sex in a civil union, domestic partnership, or other similar same-sex relationship shall not be valid or recognized in Nebraska.” Neb. CONST. art. I, § 29.
Under standard rules of statutory construction, the listing of various kinds of arrangements - civil unions, domestic partnership and marriage - has significance because it indicates the legislature's intent to control "family law" not "businesss law." (In fact, according to Wittgenstein, this listing shows a "family relationship", which is how we generally understand the meaning of words. We don't understand the meaning of "chair" through some contemplation of an "ideal chair" as Plato would have had it; we know what "chair" means by seeing lots of examples of chairs.)
Now, it's possible that some other court might have swept up a business partnership, but, well, that court would have been a complete idiot and one court is not supposed to assume that future courts would have committed that error.
In other words, this statute could easily have been construed to have passed constitutional muster by avoiding the overbreadth issue, and that is precisely what would have happened in virtually every other area of statutory construction.
By the way, the decision goes out of its way to point out that signatures were gathered disproportionately by Mormons. That fact is mentioned, but is never developed.
Why is that important? Aren't Mormons entitled to political participation, or is it that certain groups better not participate in certain issues, lest their participation taint the product?
How come that "buried lede" doesn't qualify as a "barrier to political participation"?